Reading Comprehension – Test 122

Read the following passage carefully and choose the most appropriate answer to the questions out of five alternatives.<br><br> The BJP won 37.4% of the vote and 55% seats nationally this summer. How and where these votes are garnered and how it impacts various social groups will have implications for India's survival and progress as a pluralist democracy. Of the total 84 seats reserved for Scheduled Castes (SCs), the BJP won 54; and of the 47 seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes (STs), the BJP won 32. It is only partly explained by the BJP's outreach - the sweep of reserved seats by the party is largely due to the endorsement of the party's SC/ST candidates by 'higher castes'. In contrast, the Bahujan Samajwadi Party, an autonomous Dalit party, fared miserably in the SC seats even in Uttar Pradesh. It is clear that other castes are the determining factor in Dalit representation, a concern that weighed in B.R. Ambedkar's mind when he demanded separate electorates for Dalits. While the SC/ST representation of 15% and 7.5%, respectively, is fixed, so-called upper castes are increasing their parliamentary representation in BJP strongholds at the expense of the Other Backward Classes (OBC). <br><br> An analysis of caste representation in the Hindi heartland by Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers showed that a decade-old trend of the return of the 'upper castes' over-representation and the erosion of OBC representation was reinforced in 2019. The highest representation for the OBCs and Muslims in this region in the period since 1989 was in 2004, when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance came to power. Besides the geographical core, there is also a pan-Indian social core of 'upper castes' that drives the growth of the BJP. Hindutva, which is increasingly indistinguishable from Indian nationalism, could grow well in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, where sub-nationalism has limited appeal, but Gujarat is an example of sustaining a strong local culture as a subset of the larger pan-Indian religious identity. The success of the BJP in Karnataka, and its inroads in West Bengal and even Kerala are clear indications of the ability of the party to subsume minority cultures.

Which of the following is not true according to the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and choose the most appropriate answer to the questions out of five alternatives.<br><br> The BJP won 37.4% of the vote and 55% seats nationally this summer. How and where these votes are garnered and how it impacts various social groups will have implications for India's survival and progress as a pluralist democracy. Of the total 84 seats reserved for Scheduled Castes (SCs), the BJP won 54; and of the 47 seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes (STs), the BJP won 32. It is only partly explained by the BJP's outreach - the sweep of reserved seats by the party is largely due to the endorsement of the party's SC/ST candidates by 'higher castes'. In contrast, the Bahujan Samajwadi Party, an autonomous Dalit party, fared miserably in the SC seats even in Uttar Pradesh. It is clear that other castes are the determining factor in Dalit representation, a concern that weighed in B.R. Ambedkar's mind when he demanded separate electorates for Dalits. While the SC/ST representation of 15% and 7.5%, respectively, is fixed, so-called upper castes are increasing their parliamentary representation in BJP strongholds at the expense of the Other Backward Classes (OBC). <br><br> An analysis of caste representation in the Hindi heartland by Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers showed that a decade-old trend of the return of the 'upper castes' over-representation and the erosion of OBC representation was reinforced in 2019. The highest representation for the OBCs and Muslims in this region in the period since 1989 was in 2004, when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance came to power. Besides the geographical core, there is also a pan-Indian social core of 'upper castes' that drives the growth of the BJP. Hindutva, which is increasingly indistinguishable from Indian nationalism, could grow well in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, where sub-nationalism has limited appeal, but Gujarat is an example of sustaining a strong local culture as a subset of the larger pan-Indian religious identity. The success of the BJP in Karnataka, and its inroads in West Bengal and even Kerala are clear indications of the ability of the party to subsume minority cultures.

What is the decisive factor in Dalit representation?

Read the following passage carefully and choose the most appropriate answer to the questions out of five alternatives.<br><br> The BJP won 37.4% of the vote and 55% seats nationally this summer. How and where these votes are garnered and how it impacts various social groups will have implications for India's survival and progress as a pluralist democracy. Of the total 84 seats reserved for Scheduled Castes (SCs), the BJP won 54; and of the 47 seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes (STs), the BJP won 32. It is only partly explained by the BJP's outreach - the sweep of reserved seats by the party is largely due to the endorsement of the party's SC/ST candidates by 'higher castes'. In contrast, the Bahujan Samajwadi Party, an autonomous Dalit party, fared miserably in the SC seats even in Uttar Pradesh. It is clear that other castes are the determining factor in Dalit representation, a concern that weighed in B.R. Ambedkar's mind when he demanded separate electorates for Dalits. While the SC/ST representation of 15% and 7.5%, respectively, is fixed, so-called upper castes are increasing their parliamentary representation in BJP strongholds at the expense of the Other Backward Classes (OBC). <br><br> An analysis of caste representation in the Hindi heartland by Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers showed that a decade-old trend of the return of the 'upper castes' over-representation and the erosion of OBC representation was reinforced in 2019. The highest representation for the OBCs and Muslims in this region in the period since 1989 was in 2004, when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance came to power. Besides the geographical core, there is also a pan-Indian social core of 'upper castes' that drives the growth of the BJP. Hindutva, which is increasingly indistinguishable from Indian nationalism, could grow well in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, where sub-nationalism has limited appeal, but Gujarat is an example of sustaining a strong local culture as a subset of the larger pan-Indian religious identity. The success of the BJP in Karnataka, and its inroads in West Bengal and even Kerala are clear indications of the ability of the party to subsume minority cultures.

Which of the following is not true according to the passage?