She takes the political plunge when many of rahul gandhi’s decisions seem to be paying off for congress
As the general secretary of the party, and being who she is, Priyanka could have been entrusted the entire state of UP.Rahul Gandhi’s decision to induct Priyanka Gandhi Vadra as the party’s general secretary in charge of East UP shows a resolve to go for the jugular. It comes at a time when his leadership in the Congress is established after the party’s victories in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, though the BJP has criticised Rahul as a failure reaching out to his sister for help.
The “rajtilak” last month of three Congress chief ministers in the Hindi heartland has charged up party workers. At the popular level too, people are no longer dismissing him as “Pappu” or “Rahul Baba”.
As the general secretary of the party, and being who she is, Priyanka could have been entrusted the entire state of UP. Normally, general secretaries are given more than one state to look after. But the Congress’ most awaited entrant was given only one half of a state. The message is loud and clear. East UP means Varanasi and Varanasi equals Narendra Modi. Giving Priyanka charge of Eastern UP is tantamount to taking on the opponent on his turf.
Given her charisma, ability to think on her feet and come up with instant ripostes, and her resemblance to Indira Gandhi, the battle could become a Modi versus Priyanka fight in 2019, without her being declared as the prime ministerial candidate of the Congress or of the Opposition.
There is little doubt that even if Priyanka manages to create a favourable climate in UP, converting it into seats is another matter, given the party’s poor organisation. (Eastern UP does provide a window, for in 2009, most of the 21 Lok Sabha seats the Congress won were from this region.) She will have to contend with Modi and Shah as foes, who should not be underestimated. And with the SP-BSP alliance already in place without the Congress, it remains to be seen whether her entry will persuade Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati to revise their decision, or evolve an “informal” agreement on some seats with the Congress.
But the Priyanka decision is not only about energising the Congress in eastern UP. It is more about redrawing the battlelines for the 2019 confrontation. This may have a ripple effect outside UP, depending on the response she elicits in the next four weeks.
Clearly, Rahul is pulling out all the stops to go for the kill. Today, his ace behind-the-scenes advisor has come out in the open to take the battle to the next stage, and move in step with him. Priyanka’s entry is the latest in a string of what are considered to be “right” decisions by Rahul as party chief.
He began to emerge as the main pole for those dissatisfied or angry with the BJP, by relentlessly attacking the Prime Minister. There was no let up, for instance, in the “chowkidar chor hai” allegations on the Rafale deal. The party smartened its use of the social media, and started to look at booth level organisation through its Project Shakti, though rebuilding India’s grand old party remains a daunting task.
Rahul managed to put his finger on the pulse of the people on issues agitating them the most — farmers’ distress, youth unemployment, demonetisation, which had led to the loss of jobs and incomes in the informal sector, and disaffection among traders caused by GST. Most important, he accepted the old guard in the Congress, and they him.
He displayed a deft touch in the selection of chief ministers in all three states (aided, by all accounts, by Priyanka). Jyotiraditya Scindia was the popular face in MP, but it was Kamal Nath who had united the state party, bringing Digvijaya Singh on board, and was better placed to keep the BJP at bay, if attempts are made to topple the government.
Ashok Gehlot’s claim to Rajasthan’s top “gaddi” could not be ignored because of the immense goodwill he still enjoys, and giving the deputy chief ministership to Sachin Pilot sent a signal of where the future lay. You could see a glimmer of the Congress’ old killer instinct when it moved with alacrity to instal a JD(S)-Congress ministry in Karnataka last year. It’s another matter that the government is poised precariously today.
Rahul’s strategy to “Hinduise” also seems to be working. Many Hindus have not reacted adversely to his temple-hopping, Shiv bhakt claims, as also his visit to Kailash Mansarovar in what is obviously an attempt to undo the image the party had acquired of being only “pro-Muslim”. But he will have to strike a balance, and his flip flop on women’s entry in the Sabarimala temple showed that this is not going to be easy.
Victory in the three Hindi states — and now Priyanka’s entry in active politics — has given the Congress a new momentum, but the challenges before Rahul are formidable. The first is Modi, who will try and convert the 2019 battle into a Modi vs Rahul “presidential” race, and show Rahul at a disadvantage and a “khichdi” Opposition working at cross purposes. For all his “right” decisions, Rahul is not considered a match for Modi. And yet, it is also true that under his stewardship, “Brand Congress” was able to pose a challenge to the BJP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, even though no chief ministerial candidates were declared in advance.
Now Brand Congress will have an added plus of Priyanka. How do those unhappy with the Modi regime but not enamoured with the alternative look at her? Particularly those among the upper castes and middle classes? And the fence-sitters? And the first time or under 25 voter, assiduously wooed by Modi? How does a Congress on the upswing navigate the minefield of the Opposition space dominated by powerful regional satraps? Its recent victories have fuelled insecurities in regional parties. The Congress was cut out of the SP-BSP alliance for demanding seats in double digits, when its inclusion would have brought the minorities totally behind the gathbandhan and given the alliance a national appeal.

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